Sunday, April 26, 2015

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Muqdisho (Bartamaha)Sanad Waliba Wax Baa Masraxa Fuullo  oo la Hadal’hayaa Inkastoo Tani ay Soo Jiri Jirtay Hadana Sababo Badan oo is biirsaday ayaa  baaxad u yeelay oo  Baaqa iyo beesa socodka aan jaceylka waafaqsaneyn Badshay

Dumurka  Hadda Jira ayaa Waxa ay ka Wadda Siman yihiin inkastoo aan la oran Karin waa gadigood hadana heesu waa tii la qaaday oo Qaandadu Sidii ay noqotaba waa ay kugu soo sarayaan

Wiil Dhalinyarao ah oo Kolkaasi Wattay Buugaagta Dugsiga sare Midka Ugu Danbey(From Four’ka) ayaa Maalin Gaari B.l ah Waxaa uu Igala soo Raacay Isgoys  Aad ayuu markaasi u Indha Liitay Waxuuna u Egkaa Ruux Diiqeysan  Kursga Danbe Ee Raaxeeyaha loo Yaqaan Ayaan Labadeeyna Gaariga Ka Saaranahay ‘

Yara ayaan kusoo Dhawaaday Markaasi ayaan Dhahay ,Haye’Saaxiib ii Waran ma Xanuunsaneeysaaa Misa ‘’

Kor Ayuu II Fiiriyay Maya ayuu igu Dhahay Kolkaasi  ayaan ‘Iri Haye Yaa Kaasoo Careysiiyay

Saaxiib iskaDhaaf ayuu igu dhahay ,Kama Yeelin Ee Waan Ku eliyay Guntii Waxa Jira Waa uu ii sheegay

Waxaa Yiri Qof ayaan Jeclahay Hadda Waxaa ay Joogtaa Xaafadeeda Waxaa ay igu Dhahday 5$ iisoo  tuur Waxaan Dhahay Ma haayo ,Mar Danbo ha isoo Wicin ayey I dhahday Telphone,ka Waa iga Qaban Ladahay  ,Waxaan Ku Iri Haddii loo Tuuro Sideey Noqonee ‘’Waxuu Yiri  Farxad ayey Ila Jillee ,Waxaan Ari Hadde Taasi kuma Jeclo Lacag Beey Jeceshahaye Nin Yahow Maad Go’aan ka Qaadatid waxuu Yiri Waan Jeclahay ,, Lacag’na Ma Heeyso Arday ayaan Ahay Waxaan Weydiiyay Iyadu Ma Xey Qabbataa Waxuu,Iskuul Hebel ayey Dhigataa,,Mar Haddii ay Faraxadiisu Lacag La Bixiyo ku Jirno Anne Aan Kolkaasi Yar ka Jeeb Roonaa waxaan isku Dayay in aan Qarashkaasi ka Bixiyo,Waan Ka Baxshay ,,,Waxaasa Iiga sii Yaab Badnaa Markii Loo tuuray  Lacagtii Daqiiqad ka Dib Waxaa ay soo Dirtay ‘Fariin ay Ku Leedahay Aad baad u Mahad San tahay Macaane ,,Waan ku Jeclahay ‘’Meyay Jaceylku Lacag ayey Jeceshahaye,,

Xaajadda Dumur Ee Waqtigaani halkaasi ayey Mareeysaa  Mid Waliba Tii ayey ka Daran tahay  Daacad Dumar Lagu Yiqiin Meyay ,,Dumar Waa Na Dhalleen,Balse Sidaani mayna ahaan Jirin Ee Wax Waliba Waa ay is Bedeleen Alaasa OG Amuurta’’

Sababaha keentay iisoo tuur

1 doobabka oo Gedigood aan Shaqeyn

2 Qofka oo arday ah

3 waaridka uu la nool yahay oo aan u ogoleyn in uu telephone kaar ugu shubo

4 Ambila Qabsi oo ay qofku Caadi ka dhigatay

Waxaa kale oo yaab ah Qofka Dumarka ah Waxaaba la leeyahay Haddii uu Baabkaaga Bixin Waayo amaba uu Doonaayo in uu ku irdeeyo Waxaa uu ku Weeydiinayaa Qarash Kolkaasi oo haddii aad Baqiil tahay ama aad ka Maadadto Wax keen Daaqada kaa Saareyso Waana siddii ay Rabtay

Waxaa sii dheer Taas in ay Jiraan dumur ku Tashto Jeebka Nimanka kuwaasi oo aan  Mar’naba Arinkaasi Ceeb u arag Balse waa Sharaf dil Qayaxan

Waanno,,

Ka Soo Qaad Walaalkaa Kaa weyn Amaba Kaa Yar ayaan ahay  Waxaan kuusoo Jeedinayaa Walaasha aan la Hadlaayey  in Aaad ilaashato Sharaftaada ,Dumur’na Kaliya Waxaa uu Sumcad iyo Ciso ku Lee yahay Waa Sharaf Lagu Daray Dhowr Sanan

La Talin Rag

Waxaa Hora loo Yidhi  Gaf Nin Galay Waa Laga Gudaa  Goorteey ahaa’taba,Waxaan ulla Jeedda Haddii ay Xaaskaaga Kolkaasi aad wax Siineyso Tahay Waa siddii La Rabay Hase’yeeshee Waxaa Jirra  Rag Kuwa Xila Hoodda ah Aaan Wax’ba Siin Si Xun Wax u Raadisna  ku Dhoobo Taasi waa Laga Wanaagsan yahay  iskana Ilaali oo Yaana Xoolahaaga Aaqiro Lagugu Cadaabin ‘’

Waxaan kusoo Koobayaa Macalinkeygii Xisaabta ayaa Waxaa uu Dhihi Jiray Xaji Xisaabta Xilahaagana sii ‘’’

Waa   Qormaddii Maxamed Cabdullaahi Cumar

Wiire1994@gmail.com ama

Tell:-0616705258

 

banadir stadium

BBC SPORTS

Hampered by a combination of political unrest, a lack of funding and poor infrastructure, Somalia have entered qualifying for the Africa Cup of Nations only once, in 1974.

They will again be absent when qualifying kicks off in June for the 2017 tournament – only one of two countries, alongside Eriitrea, out of the 54 affiliated to the Confederation of African Football to miss out.

But Somalia Football Association president Abdiqani Said believes change is on the horizon.

“Maybe in two-three years, we will be there because now we are improving,” he told BBC Sport. “Soon we will finish our stadium, which is under construction.

“In two years’ time, we hope to be part of the Nations Cup but football means funds and stability, so we will play when we have good stability, facilities and funds.

“Somalia has been suffering for a long time. We cannot compare to most of the countries in Arica which have good stability and a government that can assist them with financial expenses.

“I feel really bad, am feeling pain and it is not good in my heart that we are out of the 2017 Nations Cup. But next time I hope we will be part of 2019.”

Somalia used to play its matches in the Mogadishu Stadium, but the country’s biggest arena (once capable of holding 65,000) has been commandeered by the African Union (AU) after many years of being under the occupation of the Islamist militant group al-Shabab.

The AU is attempting to keep the peace in a country which descended into civil war in 1991.

With considerable assistance from football’s world governing body Fifa, Somalia’s FA laid a new artificial turf at the Banadir stadium in northern Mogadishu in 2013.

Work is now ongoing to make the 15,000-capacity stadium ready to host international matches.

“We are hoping it will be finished in June-July,” Said, a former FA secretary-general, explained. “It depends on the construction company. We will see.”

After Fifa hosted a development course in Mogadishu two years ago, its first there in over a quarter of a century, Somalia also has plans to build a second venue.

This will be part of a new technical centre at Mogadishu’s College University Stadium.

Despite the challenges, the Somali FA has worked tirelessly to try to get the country’s football off the ground.

The first league campaign in seven years kicked off in late 2013, when thousands of fans attended a match at the Banadir Stadium for the first time in over two decades.

Eight teams took part as years of assistance from Fifa, who have helped with training the coaches and developing the grassroots game, finally paid off.

The world body initially helped with the redevelopment of the Banadir Stadium in 2006, only for the venue to be badly damaged because of Somalia’s ongoing civil conflict.

The country’s league now has 10 teams.

Somalia may not have contested Africa’s biggest sporting event for some time but it has entered qualifying for every World Cup since the 2002 edition.

When it attempted to qualify for the 2014 World Cup, a team nicknamed the Ocean Stars played its one and only home match in Djibouti – holding Ethiopia to a goalless draw before losing the return leg 5-0.

And a team ranked 206th out of 208 Fifa members is already preparing for qualifiers for the next finals – in Russia in three years’ time.

“The national team is already in training,” said Said. “Every country has a dream of being at the World Cup.”

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Muqdisho (Bartamaha)Illo Xog Ogaal ah uu u Waramay Warbaahinta Bartamaha ayaa waxaa ay sheegayaan in Shacabka iyo Waliba Madaxda Dalkaasi Kenya ay Dhexdooda al-shabab ka Abuureen Isku Dir Baahsan iyo kala Fogaansho Dhan Walbo ah Golaha Senatarada Kenya, ayaa waxay ka horyimaadeen in si khasab ah lagu celiyo qaxootiga Somaliyeed, ee ku nool xeryaha qaxootiga ee Degmada Dhadhaab ee Gobolka Waqooyi Bari Kenya.


Afhayeenka Golaha Sanetarada Kenya Ekwe Ethuro, ayaa wuxuu daboolka ka qaaday inaanan si xoog ah lagu celin dooni qaxootiga Somaliyeed ee xeryaha Dhadhaab ku nool.
“Kenya xoog kuma celin doonto qaxootiga Somalida ah ee dalkeena ku nool. Kenya kama horimaan doonto sharuucda caalamka kaga degsan qaxootiga.” Ayuu yiri Afhayeenka.


Afhayeenka, ayaa sidoo kale sheegay in Dowladda Kenya ay Qaramada Midoobe kala shaqayn doonto, sidii si iskood ah ay ugu laaban lahaayen qaxootiga, wuxuuna meesha ka saaray in wax sharciga ka baxsan loo adeegsan doono qaxootiga.


“Kenya waxay Qaramada Midoobe kala shaqeyneysaa sidii qaxootiga si iskood ah ugu laaban lahaayen dalkooda, iyadoo aanu jujuub jiri doonin.” Ayuu yiri Ekwe Ethuro.
Ekwe Ethuro oo ka soo muuqday Warbaahinta, ayaa si xoogan u cambaareeyay weerarkii ay Shabaabku ka geysteen Jaamacadda Magaalada Garissa, oo lagu dilay 148 ruux, oo arday u badneyd.


William Ruto, Madaxweyne Ku Xigeenka Kenya, ayaa Sabtidii sheegay in Kenya ay xoog ku celin doonto qaxootiga, haddii muddo saddex bilood ah aynaan Qaramada Midoobe kaga rarin xeryaha Dhadhaab.

A woman lights a candle at a memorial in Nairobi for the victims of the Garissa University College attack on April 7, 2015. PHOTO | EVANS HABIL |  NATION MEDIA GROUP

AFP

All four gunmen from Somalia’s Al-Qaeda linked Al-Shabaab who carried out the Kenyan university massacre earlier this month were Kenyans, reports said on Thursday.

The militants attacked the university in the northeastern town of Garissa on April 2, lining up non-Muslim students for execution and killing 148 people in what President Uhuru Kenyatta described as a “barbaric medieval slaughter”.

One of the four gunmen killed by Kenyan special forces who ended the day-long siege has already been named as Abdirahim Abdullahi, an ethnic Somali Kenyan national who was top student and law graduate.

But Kenya’s major Daily Nation newspaper, quoting unnamed intelligence reports, said the other three gunmen killed were also Kenyan, believed to be from the port city of Mombasa and the far western district of Bungoma.

The fact that all four are reported to be Kenyans highlights the Somali insurgents’ ability to recruit within Kenya.

“Identities will be confirmed once their fingerprints are matched,” the Nation said, citing intelligence officials.

There was no immediate response from Kenyan police to confirm the report.

After the attack, Kenyatta warned that the terrorists were “deeply embedded” inside Kenya, not just Somalia.

A $215,000 (200,000 euro) bounty has also been offered for alleged Shabaab commander Mohamed Mohamud, a former Kenyan teacher said to be the mastermind behind the attack.

While the Shabaab emerged as a Somali Islamist group in 2006 in Mogadishu, they have recruited across the wider region.

The group has carried out a string of revenge attacks in neighbouring countries, notably Kenya and Uganda, in response to their participation in the African Union force fighting them in Somalia.

Following the attack the Shabaab warned of a “long, gruesome war” unless Nairobi withdraws its troops from Somalia, saying the gunmen carried out the Garissa attack in revenge for the “systematic persecution of the Muslims in Kenya”.

Shabaab fighters also carried out the Westgate shopping mall attack in Nairobi in September 2013, a four-day siege which left at least 67 people dead.

women violence africa

UN News Wire

As the great moral issue of our time, sexual violence in conflict is used to terrorise, displace and subjugate victims, the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on the issue told the Security Council today, urging the body to take action to deal with this growing threat.

“The history of warzone rape has been a history of denial. It is time to bring these crimes, and those who commit them, into the spotlight of international scrutiny” Zainab Hawa Bangura said as she presented to Council members the Secretary-General’s 2015 report on Sexual Violence in Conflict.

Stressing that the time has come “to send a clear message that the world will not tolerate the use of sexual violence as a tactic of war and terror,” she told Council members that the text before them today served not only as an annual report of record, “but as a global advocacy instrument and vehicle for refining our common understanding of critical themes, to enhance coordination and build global consensus.”

“For the first time, (the report) articulates how sexual violence is integrally linked with the strategic objectives, ideology and finding of extremist groups, noting therefore that women’s empowerment and sexual violence prevention should be central to international response,” she explained.

The annual report sheds light on a number of new themes, including a list of 45 parties, mostly armed groups, suspected of committing sexual violence as a tactic to terrorise. It also links sexual violence in conflict with forced dispossession of land and property and the denial of women to vital sources of livelihood.

It also highlights the vulnerability and targeting of ethnic and religious minorities, including LGBTI individuals by armed groups, who are keen on imposing morality and exert social control.

The Special-Representative heads to the Middle East tomorrow to meet with survivors, refugees and Government officials in Syria, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey.

“The visit is undertaken against the backdrop of a catastrophic new trend of the use of sexual violence as a ‘tactic of terror’ by extremist groups, not only in Iraq and Syria, but also in Somalia, Nigeria and Mali,” Ms. Bangura said.

The emergence of such armed groups spotlights political and operational challenges that lie ahead in terms of engaging with some of these parties, for concrete and time-bound commitments in line with Security Council resolutions. Ms. Bangura also underscored the Secretary-General’s recommendation that the Al Qaeda/Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) Sanctions Committee includes sexual violence as part of its designation criteria.

Ultimately, an effective counter-strategy to this emerging threat would include intensive community-level engagement, including with women and civil society, youth groups, traditional and faith-based leaders, the Special Representative said.

And progress has already been made, Ms. Bangura said. Over the past two years, the international community has signed frameworks of cooperation with the African Union and the International Conference of the Great Lakes Region, and are now moving toward similar lines with the League of Arab States. A number of regional organizations have also appointed envoys on women, peace and security.

At the country level, the Governments of Angola, Guinea, the Central African Republic, Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Somalia and South Sudan have all pledged to address sexual violence, through the signing of Joint Communiques with the United Nations outlining priority areas of intervention.

“These commitments were undertaken at the highest levels of Government, and are the basis for implementation plans that are now being developed by national authorities in concert with the United Nations and other partners,” Ms. Bangura pointed out.

It is also notable, she said, that there were 187 convictions of soldiers and Commanders in the DRC between July 2011 and December 2013, and as noted in the report, this ear there were 135 convictions by military tribunals. UN expert teams are also supporting national progress in Colombia, Côte d’Ivoire and South Sudan.

 After more than two decades of conflict that decimated Somalia’s economy, the banana industry is bouncing back.

Screen shot 2015-04-16 at 11.29.35 AM

 Switzerland, Apr 16

Faisal Jeylani Aweys has not seen his native Somalia since he fled 14 years ago, but he lives in hope of winning an Olympic medal for his war-torn country.

And Awey’s chosen sport of taekwondo has a way of throwing up medals for countries in trouble such as Afghanistan — so why not Somalia?

Aweys grew up in a country at war and his mother died from cancer when he was still a small boy. He left with a sister for Switzerland at the age of 13. “I discovered a life, that of an adolescent, because up to then, my life had only been running away.”

Inspired by his mother who had been a taekwondo athlete, Aweys also took up the martial art.

“My French teacher knew a bit of my story and told me to ‘go for this’. Out of respect for her, I did it. It was a way to get closer to my mother.”

Now he teaches taekwondo in Lausanne and is ranked 60th in the world in the under-58 kilos category.

In Switzerland, Aweys quickly became a black belt and qualified to become a referee and coach.

“For a long time, I fought in the name of my club, not Switzerland, as I did not have a passport,.” he said.

Married and with a young child, Aweys decided to halt competition in 2010 because he thought sport would dominate his family life.

But the secretary general of the Somali Olympic Committee, Duran Farah, went to the Lausanne Open tournament and Aweys’ life changed again.

“He was looking for top level athletes. At first I was not very keen, but I had no real excuse not to fight, so I said yes.”

– Country needs heroes –

Aweys won tournaments in France, Switzerland and Germany. And in 2013 he went to Egypt for his first tournament outside of Europe as a Somali athlete. There were eight in the delegation and two were exiles in Europe.

Aweys came fourth and realised he could compete at an internaitonal level.

“The work paid off,” Aweys said.

At the African championships in Tunisia, he beat rivals from Gabon and Mozambique before losing in the semi-final to the Egyptian favourite.

A bronze medal inspired him and now, with money from the Olympic solidarity programme, he hopes to compete in the 2016 Games in Rio.

To get an automatic place, Aweys must qualify at the African Games in Brazzaville in September or in a small number of qualifying tournaments after. Or he must get an invitation.

But Aweys says he is determined “to go to the Games under my own steam”.

Success in Rio would give the long-suffering East African country of 10 million people a first Olympic medal.

“Anything is possible,” he said with a smile.

Rohullah Nikpa won Afghanistan’s first Olympic medals in at the 2008 Bejing Games and 2012 in London. Hadi Saei of Iran won two Olympic golds in the sport. “So why not me …”

If that dream came true, Aweys would join Abdi Bile, the 1987 world 1,500 metres champion, and British-Somali 5,000m and 10,000m Olympic champion Mo Farah among a rare number of sporting heroes for a country that badly needs them.

Barakac-Kismaayo-iyo-Roobab

Muqdisho (Bartamaha) Magaalada Muqdsho Ayaa Waxaa Saakay Abaaro 9:00 Ka Bilaawday Roobab Mahiigaan ah Kuwaasi oo Biyo Dhigay Qeybo ka Mid ah Magaalada Muqdisho Ee Xarunta Dalka

Roobabka Maanta ka Da’ay Magaalada Muqdisho ayaa waxaa ay saameeyn ku yeesheen Isku Socodka Dadka iyo gaadiidka Magalaada muqdisho iyadoo suuqayada manta ay yihiin kuwa mashquul ah maadaama ay tahay maalinta ugu danbeeysa isbuuca oo ay dadka soo adeegnayaan

Sidoo kale Roobka ayaa waxaa uu Saameeyn Balaaran ku yeeshay Dadka Barakacayaasha ah Ee Degan guryaha cooshadaha ka sameynsan kuwaasi oo roobku uu guryaha usoo galay

Dadkaasi  danyarta ah ayaa waxaa ay  Sameeynayaan caro Tuur siay uga Gaashaantaan Roobka Hase’yeeshee Roobka oo ahaa Mid aad u Xooganaa ayaa Jiiray Iyadoo la Arkayay Qoysas Caruurta iyo Dharka Kaliya kala Baxayay Guryaha Cooshadaha ka sameeynsan Ee Ay degan yahiin dadka danyarta ah

Dadka danyarta ah Ee Ku Nool Kaamamka ku yaal magaalada tan muqdisho ayaa waxaa ay Dalbanayaan in gargar lala soo gaaro  Maadaama Guryahasii ay Deganaayeen oo Cooshado ka Sameeysanaay ay Roobabku Qaadeen

Mid ka Mid ah Haweenka ku Nool Kaamka Sayid Ee Degmada howlwadaag oo aan ku Booqday gurigeeda ayaa waxaa ay sii sheegtay in ay Baahan Bananka Gurigii ay deganeed oo coosh ka sameeysnaa

Waxaa ay intaasi ii Raacisay in ay Halkaani Degan tahay Muddo Afar sano kol Walbo oo Roob Yimaadna ay Reerkeedu Guri La’aan Noqday Haddii uu Qayoodana ay Dib ka Dhistaan

Wadooyinka  Jid Cadayaasha ah ee uu dhawaan magaalada muqdisho qeybo ka Mid ah ka Dhisay maamulka Gobolka Banaadir ayey Biyaha Roobku Waxaa ay ka sameeyseen Boholo Waa weeyn

Marka Laga Tago Muqdisho Waxaa ay sidoo kale Roobabku ka Da’een Qeybo ka midah Gobolka hiiraan

'Taking our jobs, our women...'(Reuters/Rogan Ward)

Quartz

The attacks on migrant shop owners in Durban this week reminds us the position of foreigner in South Africa is a complex one. After decades of isolation from the rest of the African continent, and the world, during Apartheid, South Africa finally opened up to the rest of world in 1994.

Under Apartheid, South Africa’s immigration mirrored the narrow mindedness and prejudice of the National Party. Several laws made visiting or living in South Africa unpalatable to many. Particularly those of non-European descent.

At the dawn of the “new South Africa” in 1994, the country became home to many outsiders playing a key role in offering protection and refuge to people who had suffered unfavorable conditions in their home countries.

At the heart of South Africa’s complex problem with xenophobia is the loaded meaning of the term “foreigner”. Pejoratively, the term “foreigner” in South Africa usually refers to African and Asian non-nationals.

“Other” foreigners – particularly those from the Americas and Europe go unnoticed – they are often lumped up with “tourists”, or even better, referred to as “expats”.

It is this reason why the South African government says its hesitant to call the recent attacks on foreign nationals as xenophobic.

Is it “Afrophobia” or xenophobia?

Many South Africans look at the attacks on enterprising African immigrants from Somalia, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Mozambique, Nigeria and Malawi – often running shops, stalls and other businesses in the informal economy – and resolve that the current attacks on foreigners are more afrophobic, than xenophobic.

Many ask: “Why is it that a Somali man can run a shop in a township, get raided and beaten up, while a white immigrant in town continues to run a restaurant full of patrons?”


It is this delineation that breeds ground for denial.

While this sentiment may be correct – that the violent expression of xenophobia in South Africa is meted out mainly against African immigrants – it is unhelpful to resolve the crisis that has left many foreign nationals homeless, tortured and dispossessed.

While we can ascribe the attacks to sentiments of Afrophobia, we must be willing to agree that the attacks are fuelled by a sense of hatred, dislike and fear of foreigners – and that is xenophobia. And given the fact that foreign nationals from Pakistan and Bangladesh have been profiled in this wave of attacks, it will soon no longer be enough for South Africans to cry “Afrophobia”.

 A hangover from the past, fueled by present

South Africa’s xenophobia reflects the country’s history of isolation. As a country at the Southern most tip of Africa, South Africans are fond of referring to their continental counterparts as “Africans “or “people from Africa”. Many business ventures, news publications and events – aimed at local audiences – routinely speak about “going to Africa”.

Of course this narrow-mindedness, suffered by both black and white South Africans, is a by-product of Apartheid. For black people, Apartheid was an insidious tool used to induce self-hate and tribalize people of the same race. For white South Africans, Apartheid was a false rubber-stamp of the white race as superior.

It is these two conceptions that gave rise to the myth that South Africa is not part of the African continent, but a different place that just happens to be on the tip of the continent.

It is these two conceptions that gave rise to the myth that South Africa is not part of the African continent, but a different place that just happens to be on the tip of the continent.

Long after the scourge of Apartheid, it is also clear that we’re fueling this prejudice in the present.

It remains to be seen whether South Africans will break away from these shackles, and rid themselves of this horrid prejudice anchored in our past, but seemingly fuelled by our present.

CADAAN STUDIES

The INQUIRY

Since #CadaanStudies was launched on Twitter, the tweet that has received the most circulation has been something that British explorer Sir Richard Francis Burton wrote in his 1856 travelogue First Footsteps in East Africa:

Burton had arrived in Zeila, his first stop before traveling through the rest of Somaliland and the broader Horn of Africa. He was keenly interested in the culture, beliefs, and practices of the curious “Somali race” that he encountered, and he discovered many things about them.

He discovered, for example, that the Somalis of Zeila in 1856 believed that fever was connected to mosquito bites, and he speculated that this “superstition probably arises from the fact that mosquitoes and fevers become formidable about the same time.” He also re-discovered what he already knew: that the difference between “superstition” and “fact” could be traced along racial lines and that knowledge and thought was the realm of the European.

It would not be until 1880 that a French doctor, Charles Louis Alphonse Laveran, would discover the malaria parasite in Algeria, for which he would win the Nobel Prize. Finally, in 1897, a British medical officer in British India, Ronald Ross, would be credited with discovering that malaria was indeed carried by mosquitos.

Burton’s condescension still characterizes the encounter between European and Somali. When ethnographic observation was crystallized as a methodology and a science, only Europeans were seen as capable of the rigorous analysis, reason, and knowledge production it required. Somalis existed only as the backdrop for their intelligence and understanding, as superstitious, irrational, unsophisticated, and unscientific.

#CadaanStudies explores the ways in which these colonial epistemologies continue to be the foundation of the field of Somali Studies. It began in response to the total absence of Somali academics and researchers from the editorial and advisory boards of the newly launched Somaliland Journal of African Studies (SJAS), which claimed to have been founded in collaboration with the University of Hargeisa, since denied by the university. But the hashtag exploded after a member of the advisory board, Markus Hoehne, made his own observations about Somalis:

I did NOT come accross [sic] many younger Somalis who would qualify as serious SCHOLARS – not because they lack access to sources, but because they seem not to value scholarship as such. Sorry to say, but to become a successful political scientist, social anthropologist, sociologist or human geographer, you study many years without an economically promising end in sight. You have to work hard before you get out one piece of text and even then, you often get more criticism than praise. You certainly do not become rich quickly as a social scientist, at least if you have to pay your bills in Europe or Northamerica.

Now, where are all the ‘marginalised’ Somalis who do not get their share in academia? I guess you would have to first find all the young Somalis who are willing to sit on their butt for 8 hours a day and read and write for months to get one piece of text out. Okay, before you ‘crucify’ me now for my neo-colonial racist male writing, I ADMIT that given the lack of good quality higher education in social sciences INSIDE Somalia, one cannot enter into a fair competition between cadaan iyo madow [white and black] scholars here. BUT, there are many young Somalis in UK, USA and continental Europe who have a chance to get a degree from a well-established university in social sciences and become master analysts of Somali and other affairs (where are Somali sociologists who work on issues of discrimination or inequality in the USA or Europe, where are Somali religious scholars who engage in the debate about Islam in Europe? Sometimes you have to look beyond your Somali navel). But in my life, I met only very FEW diaspora Somalis who seriously pursued such a career (in social sciences). So, your activism is good, but what you actually would have to do – instead of getting outraged at cadaan scholars, is to sit down and get your analysis out and criticise not cadaan for writing sth, but your own brothers and sisters for not writing better stuff!

Cadaan means “white” in Somali, and the hashtag #CadaanStudies gestures towards the conceptual whiteness of knowledge production in Somali Studies. It is an analysis of the systemic and the normative positions and relations it produces. It is a way of thinking about the words of one anthropologist and the exclusions of one journal not as isolated incidents, but as signifiers of the current state of Somali Studies, and the ways in which it has continued to sustain non-Somali dominance on all things Somali. It examines how colonial logic is replicated in contemporary scholarship on Somalis, and in the research practices of non-Somali academics in their gaze upon the Somali.

Hoehne’s comments offer a unique moment of revelation, but also a window of insight into banal systems of everyday power. They show a mindset in which the Somali is rendered passionately partisan, while the non-Somali researcher remains worldly and detached in his analysis. They highlight a perception of Somalis as too steeped in their Somaliness to objectively assess their own reality. They reveal an understanding of us, the detribalized, tweeting natives of the Somali diaspora, as rebellious, overly emotional and insulting towards the cadaan scholars with which he identifies. They expose the view of Somalis as fundamentally lazy, requiring the non-Somali anthropologist to explain how we can overcome our undisciplined nature through the hard work that we are currently, sadly, incapable of.

As with Burton and the malaria-carrying mosquito, for a European to be unaware of information articulated by Somalis does not indicate his own ignorance. How could it? Somali beliefs are not facts.

The First International Congress of Somali Studies was held in Mogadishu in July 1980; the Somali Studies International Association, which had been founded two years earlier, “sought to promote scholarly cooperation and collaboration in investigations and interpretations of Somali society, culture and habitat.” But while this multidisciplinary sub-field of African Studies was institutionalized in the 1980’s, its origins are during the colonial period, when academic interest in Somalis first emerged alongside and within the colonial project. Some of the scholars in attendance at the 1980 Congress had begun their research on Somalis during the colonial era, starting with British anthropologist I.M Lewis, often called the founding father of Somali Studies.

Somali Studies was established as a subfield and organization in a time of great intellectual ferment. Publications like Edward Said’s Orientalism and Michel Foucault’s History of Sexuality were in wide circulation by 1980, as were the ideas of Antonio Gramsci, particularly after Raymond Williams began to bring Gramsci’s Prison Notebooks to Anglophone audiences. E.P Thompson’s The Making of the English Working Class had spurred on a variety of new social histories “from below” throughout the 1970s, challenging older, state-centered approaches; by 1979, women’s history had emerged as a field and gender would soon be theorized as an analytical category signifying relations of power in society. Subaltern Studies: Writings in Indian History and Society was launched in 1982, seeking to write histories outside of colonial constructions of knowledge and power.

It was a period of deconstruction and interrogation, of theory and reflexivity. But it did not touch Somali Studies.

Behind all of this new thinking was the decolonization of former European colonies, including the Somali territories. Nationalism and independence had created an epistemic crisis for anthropology, as the discipline grappled with its colonial origins and its focus on so-called “primitive” societies. Talal Asad and others challenged the truth of ethnographic representation and the discipline’s claims to scientific objectivity, enabling ethnography to be rethought as interpretation rather than scientific fact, and to critique its roots in colonial rule. The postmodern turn of the 80s and 90s and an increasing concern for reflexivity and subjectivity further reshaped anthropological praxis: the discipline now engages with the question of power dynamics, representation, and the ethics of research. All of this was necessary for the discipline to have future in a postcolonial world.

I.M Lewis began his fieldwork in the 1950s in British Somaliland, funded by the Colonial Social Science Research Council. His analysis of the Somali clan system—first published in his 1961 book A Pastoral Democracy: A Study of Pastoralism and Politics Among the Northern Somali of the Horn of Africa —continues to dominate understandings of Somali political and social life, despite its flaws. It reduced the complexity and heterogeneity of Somali society as a whole to a monolithic, nomadic pastoralism even though it was based on his fieldwork observations in only one region of Somaliland. His research was firmly embedded in an older tradition of British anthropology and worked to create the fiction of a self-reproducing Somali society, rooted in a rigid kinship system and with traditions unaffected by historical process. It made little sense to ask how clan is a product of modernity and subject to historical process, because Somali society was seen as primordial, outside of history and isolated from the world. He assessed Somali tradition in a vacuum, as though culture and tradition were not being transformed as Somalis were drawn into colonial regimes and a global capitalist economy, the very historical moment that enabled Lewis’ anthropological research in the first place.

He applied his framework to observe the Somali civil war 40 years later: “The political geography of the Somali hinterland in 1992, consequently, closely resembled that reported by European explorers in the 19th century, spears replaced by Kalashnikovs and bazookas.”

A volume of essays on Somali culture, society and politics co-edited by Markus Hoehne and Virginia Luling, which reviewer Gunther Schlee described as a compilation of the “Who’s Who in Somali Studies,” was published in honour of Lewis’ eightieth birthday in 2010. Essay submissions deemed too critical of Lewis did not make it to final publication.

#CadaanStudies marks a departure from the older and more rigid methodological empiricism of the social sciences that has dominated Somali Studies from its colonial beginnings, and a long overdue move towards theory, subjectivity and postcolonial critique. The social sciences were born in a particular moment of European modernity, resting on concepts like the nation-state that have since taken on new forms in our postcolonial, globalized world. Nowhere is this more evident than in the Somali territories, which have undergone radical shifts in the new global order. To read them through a colonial-era lens is to close our eyes to what is there. New sovereigns, forms of governance, and political subjectivities have emerged in the aftermath of civil war, within and beyond the collapsed nation-state, as the Somali territories have become contested ground for world historical processes of capital and modernity, and a vantage point from which to gaze back upon the West and deconstruct broader systems of power, including that of knowledge production.

What would a decolonized Somali Studies look like? You can see glimpses of it in the imaginative scope of research conducted by the many young Somalis whose names appear in the collective response to SJAS and Markus Hoehne. Yusuf Dirie engages with subalternity and examines how Western notions of modernity and progress informs debates on pastoralism in the Horn of Africa. There is the reflexive ethnography of Ahmed Ibrahim in his anthropological study of the local production of Islamic orthodoxy in southern Somalia. There is my own research on the affective and imagined geographies of modern Somali nationalism in its historical interaction with the Ethiopian state. Ilyas Abukar intervenes in practices of diaspora and Somali manifestations of blackness among refugees in the United States. Hawa Y. Mire uses art and storytelling to theorize agency and show the multiple ways that Somali women subvert patriarchal discourse.

#CadaanStudies has revealed a Somali Studies in crisis, trapped within a colonial imaginary in a postcolonial, postmodern world. What started as social media discussion has opened up a new space for thinking and theorizing about Somalis, the Somali territories, and the world they inhabit. Its significance will be its call to reimagine the conceptual apparatus of the field, focusing on the systemic level and how it has come to shape academic knowledge production about Somalis and the Somali region. Somali-produced scholarship will be central to academic knowledge, and #CadaanStudies is a disjuncture from which we can begin to theorize and develop new languages and methodologies to describe, analyze and understand new processes, systems, and ways of being. It is time to reimagine a Somali Studies for the postcolonial moment.

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Muqdiso (Bartamaha)Ka dib kulamaddii xalay laga Ciyaaray  horyaalka  Qaarada yurub  ayaa lagu wada in laga dheelo mid la mid ah caawa  kulumadii xalay la dheelay ayaa xiiso badan lagu arkay markii la soo ban Dhigay Ciyaar Ay jeclleysteen taagaeerasha

Ciyaaraha Caawa La Ciyaari Doono iyo Xiliga ay soo Galayaan

9:45 ee xiliga magalada moqdisho

Waxana lagu dheli doonaa  dalka France

Safka macquulka ah ee la filaayo iney iska hor imaadan

Barcelona                            gool hayaha:                      C.Bravo

Daafacyada:            D.Alves        G.Pique         Mascharano              J.Alba

Q.dhexe:                    I.Rakatic             S.Busquit                      A.Ineista

Weerarka:                   L.Messi              L.Zuares                       Neymar JR

P.SG

 

Golhayaha                        Sirgue

Dafacyada                         Van derwell         T.Silva       D.Luis       Maxewell

Q.dhaxe                            M.Verrati               Cabeye                Matudi

Werarka                           L.Moura            I.Cavani         Lavazzi

 

somalia beach

Financial Times

The best real estate investment in the world today? Beachfront huts in Somalia. That is according to Hans Rosling, a Swedish public health professor and data visualisation pioneer. A statistical geek is an unlikely source of property investment advice but Rosling’s rationale is convincing — and it is one that professional property developers such as Barratt and Klépierre are already putting into practice.

The explanation lies in demographics. All of the world’s forecast 3bn population growth through to 2100 will be urban, Rosling points out; a third will be in Asia, while two-thirds will be in Africa. In economic terms the developed west will grow at 1 to 2 per cent a year through until 2100, while the rest of the world will grow at 4 to 6 per cent. This amounts to a startling global shift in the pattern of trade.

“The Indian Ocean will be the Atlantic of the next generations,” predicts Rosling. As a result, the surf-beaten golden sands that stretch north from Mogadishu will make excellent holidaying territory for the Asian middle classes, several decades hence.

Somalia is a colourful example of an unlikely long-term real estate investment, but it is not the only one. As the world urbanises, it is throwing up a series of new opportunities for those willing to think a little more creatively about where to place their money.

somalia-beach

“Particularly in Asia and the Middle East, cities are growing massively and investors are looking for alternatives to invest in,” says Mark Haefele, global chief investment officer at UBS Wealth Management. He references urban infrastructure, housing, food, water and sanitation as all being in great need of investors’ cash. As one example, he cites Asian investors who have begun to buy up Australian dairy farms.

“A lot of new cities need to be built and a lot of transport needs to be fixed and a lot of energy needs to be created,” says Rosling. He sees the greatest opportunities in people’s everyday lives. “The classic source of wealth is to fulfil the needs of ordinary families — housing, education, transport, entertainment — and that need is great in emerging markets,” he adds.

Perhaps the best example is Nigeria, which will be the world’s fastest growing country over the rest of this century, according to projections by the UN. By 2100 its population will have rocketed to nearly 1bn people, from less than 38m in 1950 and 184m today. This will make it the world’s third most populous country after India and China.

Property investment is not just about sheer numbers of people, though. Income levels are also important. The greatest growth in the middle classes is taking place in Asia. By 2030 there will be more than 3bn middle-class people in Asia, according to forecasts by the Brookings Institution, up from 525m today. India will be the world’s biggest consumer, with its middle class spending $12.8tn a year, the Brookings Institution forecasts.

Yolande Barnes, director of world research at Savills, tips Asian holiday resorts as a growth area for investors. “The wealth created in Asia has hit the cities but it hasn’t yet hit the leisure property industry, with the possible exception of Japanese ski resorts,” she says. Yet she cautions about inferring future performance from past history. “Just because Europeans enjoy lying on the beach doesn’t mean that the Chinese middle class will.”

In contrast with Asia, the number of middle-class North Americans is forecast to shrink by 16m, while those in Europe will grow by just 16m. US middle-class consumption is set to fall from $4.4tn annually in 2009 to $4tn in 2030, according to the Brookings Institution. This dramatic shift is partly driven by a general reduction in population levels. China will be the world’s biggest loser; as a result of its one-child policy, its population will shrink by 316m people over the coming eight decades — a fall equivalent in size to the whole of eastern Europe today.

Most of the world’s other shrinking populations are in developed nations. Japan is set to lose 42m people while Germany will see its population shrink by almost 26m, according to UN forecasts — a fall of almost a third. Much of this is due to declining birth rates: the number of young people is dropping in many developed economies.

Europe will see its population of 20- and 30-somethings shrink by a fifth between 2010 and 2020, a 2012 report by Deutsche Bank found. But even in nations whose population is declining, demographic analysis can highlight investment opportunities. Despite shrinking populations and static incomes, opportunities remain in the developed world.

Europe’s shrinking numbers of young people mean there will be less demand for student accommodation, fashion retail outlets, starter homes and gyms, the Deutsche Bank researchers suggest. Meanwhile the continent’s older age groups will create sustained demand for retirement homes, second homes, golf courses, nursing homes and medical facilities, they argue.

Property companies are already acting on this trend. British housebuilder Barratt Developments is refocusing its business plan away from the traditional first-time buyers — young families — and towards older people who want to downsize after their children move out.

It is following in the footsteps of US retirement home developers, who have pioneered “active adult communities” and are now moving into multi-generational living — creating semi-independent space within a larger home to accommodate either grown-up children or grandparents.

Nation-level population trends hide a great deal of local variation, however. “Property is by definition located in one place,” says Yolande Barnes. “There is a world of difference between buying in London and buying in Hull — you might as well be buying in different countries.”

According to the Deutsche Bank researchers, younger people in mature economies are becoming more concentrated in cities, while older people stay in towns and villages.

Klépierre, Europe’s second-biggest listed property company, which specialises in shopping malls, uses demographic analysis to work out where to focus its expansion ambitions and where to sell off assets.

“Demographic growth produces economic growth in a much shorter period of time — both from people moving to the place and people being born there,” says Laurent Morel, chairman of Klépierre.

As an example, he uses Madrid, now Europe’s third-largest city mostly due to a tide of immigration from Latin America and north Africa since the turn of the 21st century, although that trend has begun to reverse since the financial crisis plunged Spain and other eurozone economies into deep recessions.

Despite the ailing economy in its home market, France, Morel’s company is bullish about a handful of areas within the country, particularly eastern Paris, Toulouse and Montpellier. In the latter two, the population is increasing by about 100,000 people every five to six years, he says.

“You can afford to build a new shopping centre every time you get another 100,000 people,” adds Morel. “There are six major malls in Toulouse and we own four, and we’ll continue to build our presence in such areas.”

A shopping mall in Toulouse is a long way from a beach hut in Somalia but, as property investors around the world are finding out, the investment rationale is just the same.

Somali Ministry of Higher Education Attack 1

Al Jazeera — At least 12 people have been killed in an assault on Somalia’s Higher Education Ministry in the centre of the capital Mogadishu.

The attackers stormed the ministry after a suicide car bomber detonated his vehicle at the gate of the office complex, opening the way for gunmen to enter, police said.

Al Jazeera’s Mustaf Abdi Nor Shafana, reporting from the scene, said he counted the bodies of eight civilians and two soldiers after Tuesday’s assault.

Sheikh Abdiasis Abu Musab, an al-Shabab spokesperson, told the Reuters news agency that the armed group was behind the attack.

Gun battles between African Union forces and fighters erupted as several gunmen were holed up inside the building.

The ministry, located in K5 district of Mogadishu, is adjacent to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and has been has been hit by a string of similar attacks in recent months.

Al-Shabab continues to wage a deadly campaign against Somalia’s government and remains a threat in Somalia and the East African region.

Somalia al-Shabab

The group has carried out many attacks in Somalia and in neighbouring countries, including Kenya and Uganda, whose armies are part of the African Union peacekeeping mission known as AMISOM. Other countries with troops in Somalia include Burundi, Djibouti and Ethiopia.

A car bombing to force entry into fortified buildings followed by an armed raid has become a trademark tactic of the armed group.

Somalia has been unstable since the collapse of Siad Barre’s government in 1991, and the country’s new government is being supported by the 22,000-strong African Union force.

Al-Shabab carried out its deadliest attack yet earlier this month, when its fighters massacred 148 people in a day-long siege of a university in Kenya’s northeastern town of Garissa.

The attack on the university was the deadliest on Kenyan soil since the 1998 bombing of the US embassy in Nairobi, which killed more than 200 people.

After the Garissa attack, al-Shabab warned of a “long, gruesome war” unless Kenya withdraws its troops from Somalia, as well as warning the government in Mogadishu it would continue to attack them on home soil.

 

A Somali shopowner gets ready to leave his general dealer following looting and violence in Durban.

News 24 – Durban – A Somali shopkeeper, protected by heavily armed riot police, loaded what remained of his stock into a bakkie in Lindelani, near KwaMashu, on Monday night.

Bashir Mahmoud, 27, said he had not slept for six days fearing he may be killed and his general dealer – his entire livelihood – plundered.

About 200 people stood at a distance, kept at bay by police. The locals laughed and jeered as Mahmoud loaded what he could into the bakkie.

They eventually broke into another shop abandoned by its former owner. Two children struggled under the weight of a washing machine which they pulled from the shop, and disappeared into the night.

Outcasts

“I have not been able to sleep. First I worried that they might kill me and now I find myself here, where I am trying to close my store because they will take everything,” Mahmoud said.

“The government says that we are welcome here, but that is not the truth. These people will take everything and take your life. We are outcasts.”

The shopkeeper, who has plied his trade in Syria, said South Africa had become hell on earth.

“This is what we have been reduced to… running for our lives. We are trying desperately to leave, but all the trucks are busy. All the brothers are trying to flee.”

Earlier in the night, another Somali-owned shop in a shipping container was doused in paraffin, but police chased the vandals away before they could set it alight.

In Lindelani, police rushing to the scene of a shooting happened upon a shop where the owners were clearing out their stock. Police had seen a group of South Africans closing in and warned them off, only to be pelted with rocks and stones.

ebola

VOA – CHICAGO— The United States and the African Union signed an agreement on Monday to create the African Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry and Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma, chairperson of the African Union Commission, signed a memo of cooperation formalizing the collaboration between the African Union Commission and the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

“The West African Ebola epidemic reaffirmed the need for a public health institute to support African ministries of health and other health agencies in their efforts to prevent, detect, and respond to any disease outbreak,” CDC director Dr. Thomas Frieden said in a statement.

The African CDC is slated to launch later this year with the opening of a surveillance and response unit, which will provide technical expertise and help coordinate response to health emergencies, the statement said.

As part of the agreement, the U.S. CDC will send two public health experts to serve as long-term technical advisers to the African CDC. The United States will also support fellowships for 10 African epidemiologists to help staff five regional African CDC coordinating centers which are being established to help monitor disease activity on the continent.

gabar soomaali

1. KA ROONOW

Haddii aad adigu Sabab U Tahay isku Dhaca iyo Haddii kaleba Noqo adigu Qofka Ugu horeeya Ee Ka Shaqeeya Xal ka Gaarista Khilaafka Idiin Dhexeeya qodobkaanna Waxaa Uu Suura Gal ka Dhigayaa inaad iskusoo Dhawaataan

2. EREYO MACAAN

Ku Dheh Erayo Macaan oo Macna iyo Miisaanba Leh soona jiidan kara islamarkaana Badali kara Dareenka Ruuxa arintu kaala Dhaxayso

3. RAALI GELIN

U raaci raali galin dadban oo u eg inaad adigu masuul ka tahay wixii dambi dhacay Anaa kaa Qaldan Mar dambe Sooma laabanayso Arintan oo kale iyo erayo kaleba waxaa ay kuu sahlaysaa inaad qalbiga qofka dajiso.

4. FARXAD JOOGTO AH

U muuji Farxad iyo Furfurnaan oo kasoo qaad qof iinan waligiin isku dhicin tusi una tilmaan in aan loo baahnayn farxadda joogtada ah ula kaftan oo ula sheekeyso Qaabkii aad isku ahaydeen isku dhiciinna ka Hor.

5. EREYO DABACSAN

Adeegso Erayo Dabacsan oo Qiiro Jacayl ay ku dheehanyihiin Waxaa Suura gal ah in Qofku uu Xasuusto Dibna U Milicsado Waqtiyadii Wacnaa Ee aad Soo Wada Qaadateen.Meesha yeysan Ka Marnaan Kaftan aan Xad dhaaf ahayn iyo Waliba Qisooyin Jacayl oo dad hore dhax maray una sheeg in idinkuna aad doonaysaan inaad qaaddaan wadadaasi oo kale

Waxaa Hubaal ah intaa ka Dib in Qofka aad ka Dareemayso isbadal weyn.

_bartamaha BREAKING NEWS

 (Reuters) – Suspected Islamist militants attacked the Higher Education Ministry building in the Somali capital on Tuesday, setting off two big blasts before gunmen stormed inside and battled with the security forces, police and witnesses said.

There was no immediate comment from the Islamist group al Shabaab, but it has frequently launched such raids in Mogadishu in the past in its bid to topple the Western-backed government and impose its strict interpretation of Islamic law.

“First two blasts occurred, a bike blast and a car blast,

outside the building, then armed fighters stormed in. Fighting goes on,” Major Ali Nur, a police officer, told Reuters.

He said he had seen at least one dead civilian and five injured, but said it was too early to know the full extent of casualties.

Trader Omar Mohamed, who works near the scene, said he was thrown off his chair when the blasts went off. He said the explosions were followed by gunfire.

“From the top of the building the attackers fire and from all sides government forces pour in fire,” he said.

At the end of March, al Shabaab militants attacked a hotel in the Somali capital using similar tactics of blasting and shooting their way inside. The death toll in the attack on the popular Maka al Mukaram hotel was 14.

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Muqdisho (BARTAMAHA) Xili Maalintii Shalay Aheed ay  Magaalada Muqdisho Ee xarunta dalka Ku Geeryootay Mid ka Mid Ah Labada haween Ee Ku sawiran  Lacagta Shilin Soomaaliga ah Ayaa Waxaa ay dadbadani qabaan in La dayacay Marxuumad Xaawo cali Hiraabe oo Dalka In Laga Sharfo Mudneed

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Ruuxa Loo Aqoonsado in uu Yahay wadani dalkiisa Jecel Waxaa Waajib Ah in Laga Warqabo Xaaladiisa Caafimaad Iyo Mida Guud Ahaaneed Xaawo Cali Hiraabe Waxaa ay Muddo Sanaddo ah Ku Xanuunsaneeysay Guri Ku Yaal Xaafada Jabuuti Ee Degmada Kaaraan Ee Gobolka Banaadir Halkaasi oo ay Kula Tacaalayeen Ehelkeeda

Xaawo cali Hiraabe Ayaan Sanad Ka Hor Ku Baaqday  Guriga ay  Habiin Hore Ku Geeryootay Ee Degmada Kaaraan Ee Gobolka Banaadir Ku Yaal Waxaa ay Kolkaasi Aheed Qof Dhulyaal ah oo Uu Dhibaayo Hadaaqu Waa Ay Ila hadashay Iyadoo Markaasi Hadalka Ay Oraneeysay Bar Aan laga Fahmi Kareeyn oo  uu Hadalku Ku Dhibanaa  Waxaa ay ii sheegtay in ay La’dahay Garad Dowlada Kaasi oo ay sheegtay In ay rajeyneysay in ay Heli Doonto

‘’Waxxaan Filayay In aan Noqonaayo Qof Qiimaha ay Dalkeeda Ku Leedahay Loo Muujiyo Hase’ahaatee Waxaa Leyga Dhigay Maro Mar Hore Dhamaatay oo Calal ah Ayey Igu Tiri

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Xaawo cali Hiraabe Xanuunka haayay oo Soo darsaday ayaa Waxaa la ii sheegay in Maalmo ka Hor Loola cararay isbitaalka Keeysaneey Ee Degmada Kaaraan Ee Gobolka Banaadir Kaasi oo ay Ku Geeryootay  Habiibkii Axada oo ay taariikhdu Aheed 12/4/2015  Saqdii  Dhexe Ama Habiin Barkii

Marxuumad Xaawo Cali Hiraabe Ayaa waxaa ay Aheed   Mida Dhinaca Xigta Ee Ku Sawiran Kunka Shalin Ee Soomaaliga Iyadoo la sheegay in Lagu Xardhay Waqtigii lasoo Saarayay Lacagtaasi oo ay Soo saartay Dowladdii Dhexe Ee Uu Hogaaminayay Jalle Maxamed Siyaad Barre Ka Dib Markii La Ogaaday in ay Tahay Qof Ay Ku Weyn Tahay  Qarannimada Soomaaliya Iyo Hidaha iyo Dhaqanka

Dhaqan Dhowrto Xaawo Cali Hiraabe oo Lagu Aasay Qabuuraha Shiikh Cali Cabdulle  Ayaa Waxaa Aaskeda kasoo Qeyb Galay Kaliya Ehelkeeda iyo Tiro Wariyayaal ah oo Iyana war Uun ka Doontay Iyadoo Mudneed in Aas Qaran loo Sameeyo oo Madaxda Dalku kasoo qeyb Galaan

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Shaqsiyan Waxaan Isweeydiinayaa Su’aallo Dhowr ah  Maxaa Yeelay waxxaan Ahay Muwaadin Soomaaliyeed Xaawo Waligeey Mar Qura ayaan Arkay oo aan Hooygeeda Ku Booqday  Ka Dib Markii aan ka war Helay in ay Xanuunsaneeyso  ‘’Isma lahi Qof Qaran Maheyn Xurmana Ma Laheyn ‘’Ee Madaxda Dalka Ee Hadda Jirta Ayaana Garaneeynin Karaamada Shaqsiga Wadaniga ah  Taasi ayaana Keentay in Marxuumad Xaawo Cali Hiraabe Habmaamuuskii ay Mudneed La Baalmaro

Madaxda Dalkeeynu Haddii ay Wax Gaaraan Amaba uu Iska Dhimto Shaqsi Dalalka Dariska ah  Dalkooda Sumcad Iyo Sharaf Ku Leh waxaa ay lasoo Boodaan Tacsi Iyo Wax la Mid ah Muwaadinkii Aad sheegtay in aad Metesho oo Aad Maamuleeysana Dheg Jalaq Uma siisid

Tagtay xaawo Cali Hiraabe AUN Waxaa Iyana Dhibaato Heysataa Sidda Aan Maqlay Hooyada Kale Ee Kunka Kula Sawiran  Iyana Dhawaan ayaan Warbxin Ka Diyaari Doonaa Insha’allah

 

Al Jazeera – Kenya’s government demands UN close Dadaab refugee camp in the wake of Garissa University College killings.

Program: Al Jazeera’s Inside Story | Presenter: Folly bah Thibault
Guests: 
Macharia Munene – Author and Professor of History and International Relations at the United States International University in Nairobi.
Afyare Elmi – Somali Affairs Analyst and Professor of International Affairs at Qatar University.
Gerry Simpson – Senior Researcher and Advocate of the Refugee Program for Human Rights Watch.

Kenya has responded to an attack by Somalia’s al-Shabab fighters that killed 148 people with an ultimatum to the United Nations.

It is calling on the UN to close its sprawling Dadaab refugee camp in northern Kenya and relocate 500,000 refugees to Somalia.

Kenya accuses al-Shabab fighters of hiding in the camp and using it as a base for attacks, such as the assault on Garissa University College earlier this month.

Deputy President William Ruto says the UN has three months to make alternative arrangements – or Kenya would “relocate them ourselves”.

In a statement from his office, Ruto also said: “The way America changed after 9/11 is the way Kenya will change after Garissa”.

And he added: “We must secure this country at whatever cost”.

The UN’s refugee agency, UNHCR, responded by saying: “Kenya has an international obligation to protect the refugees and that includes no forceful repatriation to the country of origin”.

So is Kenya’s stance a justified security response – or collective punishment?

Deputy President William Ruto on Sunday said the  Kenyan government will not withdraw its troops from Somalia as being demanded by Somali militants.

Xinhua – KAKAMEGA, Kenya — The Kenyan government on Sunday maintained it will not withdraw its troops from Somalia as being demanded by Somali militants.

Deputy President William Ruto said the Kenya Defense Forces (KDF) instead urged Kenyans to be united in the fight against global terrorism.

“Terrorists are telling us to withdraw our soldiers in Somalia so that they can take part of our country. What are leaders showing when they join hands with the terrorists in calling for the withdrawal of our forces in Somalia?” Ruto said in Kakamega, Western Kenya.

“We are not going to allow even an inch of our land to be taken by terrorists,” the deputy president warned.

Ruto asked Kenyans to discourage the culture of blame game on matters of security and called for concerted efforts in the war against terrorism.

He said issues of security required the support and participation of all Kenyans if the war against terrorism has to be won, saying it was not time for blame game.

“It is our collective responsibility as Kenyan to participate in the war against insecurity. Let’s stop blame game and work together in addressing security challenges facing the country,” Ruto said.

“It is upon all of us to participate in fighting insecurity in any part of the country instead of engaging in blame game,” he added.

“We are going to use every resource and equipment to ensure security for all Kenyans,” Ruto said.

He added that the government has moved with speed to ensure police officers are provided with vehicles among other equipment crucial in the fight against insecurity.

He said there is shortage of 30,000 police officers, noting that the government plans to recruit more officers to help in the war against insecurity in the country.

“We recruited last year 7,000 police officers and planned to recruit another 3,000 officers this year but some individuals who are comfortable in their Nairobi offices went to court to block the recruitment,” Ruto said.

He said the government would employ 10,000 officers on April 20 so as to report for training within the shortest time possible.

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